Friday, June 3, 2011
Defining General Welfare
General Welfare is the practical application of individual rights through a popularly sovereign government.
Friday, May 20, 2011
The Meaning and Importance of Democracy
In order to determine the value of democracy, democracy itself must first be defined. As Salwa Ismail posits, democracy may be understood best via a negative definition (one which shows what democracy is not), particularly one of "nondemocracy." Ismail presents nondemocracy as nonrepresentativeness, nonaccountability, an authoritation style of rule, and repressive practices,1 which means that it logically follows that democracy is representativeness, accountability, and a lack of repressiveness. The value of this concept is simply that democracy allows the will of the people to provide accountability for the government so as to limit its ability to restrict the people's rights.
However, in the Arab world, democracy has been markedly absent.2 Yet some authors posit that the reason for this is that, despite infitah strategies (plans for how to permanently transfer the goods and services from public bureaucracies to non-governmental organizations such as private corporations3), which would effectively take central power and redistribute it to the people (a core component of democracy), governments often postpone or even ignore such plans due to the economic interest governments possessed by enjoying large revenues while ignoring long-term necessities.4 However, some analysts argue that the assumption that capitalism will necessarily cause democracy is overly simplistic and not relevant to the Middle East.5 However, if this limitation of democratic development is due to fiscal and monetary policy, it is significant because of the status of many Arab states as rentier states,6 which necessarily means that more economic revenue is under government control and therefore economic power is more difficult to distribute to the people in the form of democracy.
References:
1. Ismail, S. "Democracy in Contemporary Arab Intellectual Discourse." Published in "Political Liberalization & Democratization in the Arab World, vol. 1: Theoretical Perspectives," by Rex Brynen, Bahgat Korany, and Paul Noble, eds. Boulder, CO: Lynne Reinner Publishers, Inc. 1995. 98.
2. Ibid.
3. Hermassi, A. "Socio-economic Change and Political Implications: the Maghreb." Published in "Democracy without Democrats? The Renewal of Politics in the Muslim World," by Ghassan Salame, ed. New York, NY: I. B. Tauris & Co, Ltd. 1994. 231.
4. Ibid. 230.
5. Owen, R. "Socio-economic Change and Political Mobilization: the case of Egypt." Published in "Democracy without Democrats? The Renewal of Politics in the Muslim World," by Ghassan Salame, ed. New York, NY: I. B. Tauris & Co, Ltd. 1994. 183.
6. Luciani, G. "Resources, Revenues, and Authoritarianism in the Arab World: Beyond the Rentier State?" Published in "Political Liberalization & Democratization in the Arab World, vol. 1: Theoretical Perspectives," by Rex Brynen, Bahgat Korany, and Paul Noble, eds. Boulder, CO: Lynne Reinner Publishers, Inc. 1995. 211-212.
Originally posted elsewhere on November 16, 2010. It was updated on May 20, 2011.
However, in the Arab world, democracy has been markedly absent.2 Yet some authors posit that the reason for this is that, despite infitah strategies (plans for how to permanently transfer the goods and services from public bureaucracies to non-governmental organizations such as private corporations3), which would effectively take central power and redistribute it to the people (a core component of democracy), governments often postpone or even ignore such plans due to the economic interest governments possessed by enjoying large revenues while ignoring long-term necessities.4 However, some analysts argue that the assumption that capitalism will necessarily cause democracy is overly simplistic and not relevant to the Middle East.5 However, if this limitation of democratic development is due to fiscal and monetary policy, it is significant because of the status of many Arab states as rentier states,6 which necessarily means that more economic revenue is under government control and therefore economic power is more difficult to distribute to the people in the form of democracy.
References:
1. Ismail, S. "Democracy in Contemporary Arab Intellectual Discourse." Published in "Political Liberalization & Democratization in the Arab World, vol. 1: Theoretical Perspectives," by Rex Brynen, Bahgat Korany, and Paul Noble, eds. Boulder, CO: Lynne Reinner Publishers, Inc. 1995. 98.
2. Ibid.
3. Hermassi, A. "Socio-economic Change and Political Implications: the Maghreb." Published in "Democracy without Democrats? The Renewal of Politics in the Muslim World," by Ghassan Salame, ed. New York, NY: I. B. Tauris & Co, Ltd. 1994. 231.
4. Ibid. 230.
5. Owen, R. "Socio-economic Change and Political Mobilization: the case of Egypt." Published in "Democracy without Democrats? The Renewal of Politics in the Muslim World," by Ghassan Salame, ed. New York, NY: I. B. Tauris & Co, Ltd. 1994. 183.
6. Luciani, G. "Resources, Revenues, and Authoritarianism in the Arab World: Beyond the Rentier State?" Published in "Political Liberalization & Democratization in the Arab World, vol. 1: Theoretical Perspectives," by Rex Brynen, Bahgat Korany, and Paul Noble, eds. Boulder, CO: Lynne Reinner Publishers, Inc. 1995. 211-212.
Originally posted elsewhere on November 16, 2010. It was updated on May 20, 2011.
What Exactly is "Civil Society"?
"Civil Society" is a term which has yet to gain either academic or political consensus in regards to definition. Therefore, the definitions that different analysts and authors present can vary wildly, making the process of determining the parameters of a civil society difficult, at best. However, a few authors present clear definitions that allow for beneficial comparison. For example, al-Sayyid presents a summation of the concept by arguing that civil society "evokes an image of a political order respecting the civil and political rights of citizens, leaving free space for a wide variety of their activities, and responding to their deeply held wishes and aspirations for personal dignity and decent living."1
On the other hand, there is the argument that even this definition is both too specific and too general, because it only presents the mental image that is allegedly associated with the term, despite its specificity in focus on the political arena. In contrast, Garon argues that the development of civil society is actually a prerequisite for democracy itself, and that it involves society "escaping the control of the state apparatus so as to acquire the means for its autonomous public expression."2 In combination of these two definitions, however, is Norton's summation of civil society as a social phenomenon which requires the state as a "referee" and lawgiver, and, in turn requires the state to respect the fundamental human rights and autonomy of individuals.3 This definition is preferable because it is specific while still allowing room for rare exceptions, although the terms of a civil society are clearly defined as being state respect for individual autonomy being compatible with individual respect for state authority.
References:
1. al-Sayyid, M. K. "The Concept of Civil Society and the Arab World." Published in "Political Liberalization & Democratization in the Arab World: volume 1, Theoretical Perspectives." by Rex Brynen, Bahgat Korany, and Paul Noble, eds. Boulder, CO: Lynne Reinner Publishers, Inc. 1995. 141.
2. Garon, L. "The Press and Democratic Transition in the Arab Societies: The Algerian Case." Published in "Political Liberalization & Democratization in the Arab World: volume 1, Theoretical Perspectives." by Rex Brynen, Bahgat Korany, and Paul Noble, eds. Boulder, CO: Lynne Reinner Publishers, Inc. 1995. 149.
3. Norton. A. R. "Civil Society in the Middle East, vol. 2." New York, NY: E.J. Brill. 1996. 5-6.
This content was originally posted elsewhere on November 23, 2010. It was updated on May 20, 2011
On the other hand, there is the argument that even this definition is both too specific and too general, because it only presents the mental image that is allegedly associated with the term, despite its specificity in focus on the political arena. In contrast, Garon argues that the development of civil society is actually a prerequisite for democracy itself, and that it involves society "escaping the control of the state apparatus so as to acquire the means for its autonomous public expression."2 In combination of these two definitions, however, is Norton's summation of civil society as a social phenomenon which requires the state as a "referee" and lawgiver, and, in turn requires the state to respect the fundamental human rights and autonomy of individuals.3 This definition is preferable because it is specific while still allowing room for rare exceptions, although the terms of a civil society are clearly defined as being state respect for individual autonomy being compatible with individual respect for state authority.
References:
1. al-Sayyid, M. K. "The Concept of Civil Society and the Arab World." Published in "Political Liberalization & Democratization in the Arab World: volume 1, Theoretical Perspectives." by Rex Brynen, Bahgat Korany, and Paul Noble, eds. Boulder, CO: Lynne Reinner Publishers, Inc. 1995. 141.
2. Garon, L. "The Press and Democratic Transition in the Arab Societies: The Algerian Case." Published in "Political Liberalization & Democratization in the Arab World: volume 1, Theoretical Perspectives." by Rex Brynen, Bahgat Korany, and Paul Noble, eds. Boulder, CO: Lynne Reinner Publishers, Inc. 1995. 149.
3. Norton. A. R. "Civil Society in the Middle East, vol. 2." New York, NY: E.J. Brill. 1996. 5-6.
This content was originally posted elsewhere on November 23, 2010. It was updated on May 20, 2011
The Importance of Political Legitimacy in the Middle East
In any serious study of politics, it is necessary to understand the concept of political legitimacy. In particular, it is important to define clearly such an ambiguous idea and then to relate it to understanding the political phenomenon. Ted Gurr argued in 1970 that political legitimacy is best defined as the extent to which citizens regard a government as proper and deserving of support.1 G. Hossein Razi takes this definition a step further by defining what is necessary to generate public support by arguing that legitimacy “refers to the extent to which the relevant portion of the population perceives that the regime is behaving.”2 Further, Razi argues that the very rationality that causes the population to perceive acceptable behavior is based on cherished values and principles.3 Therefore, a more complete definition of legitimacy is; the extent to which the population perceives adherence of the government to popular values.
Legitimacy is an important concept because it affords the government the support of the public in a way that would cause members of the population to give voluntarily their own lives and fortunes.4 On the other hand, a lack of legitimacy results in two options: either chronic instability or despotic government that relies on the use of force to keep order.5 In Middle Eastern politics, legitimacy has particular relevancy because of the apparent difficulty in obtaining it. Due to a variety of reasons, including but not limited to ethnic divisions, religious disagreements, and external influences and arbitrary borders, Middle Eastern governments are particularly prone to public feelings of illegitimacy.6 Therefore, the study of Middle Eastern governments and politics must have at its forefront the realization that political legitimacy can only be obtained when common ground regarding values and principles are reached, and thus any efforts to stabilize the Middle East should focus on finding and exploiting opportunities to create agreement.
References:
1. Gurr, T. R. "Why Men Rebel." Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. 1970. 183-185.
2. Razi, G. H. "The Nexus of Legitimacy and Performance: The Lessons of the Iranian Revolution." Comparative Politics. 19: 461-462.
3. Razi, G. H. "Legitimacy, Religion, and Nationalism in the Middle East." The American Political Science Review. Vol 84. no. 1. 1990. 72.
4. Ibid.
5. Hudson, M. C. "Arab Politics: The Search for Legitimacy." New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. 1977. 16.
6. Ibid. 5-6.Originally posted elsewhere on September 27, 2010. Updated May 20, 2011
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